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Monday, January 14, 2013

Steve Jobs "Thoughts on Flash" April 2010

 Thoughts on Flash

Apple has a long relationship with Adobe. In fact, we met Adobe’s founders when they were in their proverbial garage. Apple was their first big customer, adopting their Postscript language for our new Laserwriter printer. Apple invested in Adobe and owned around 20% of the company for many years. The two companies worked closely together to pioneer desktop publishing and there were many good times. Since that golden era, the companies have grown apart. Apple went through its near death experience, and Adobe was drawn to the corporate market with their Acrobat products. Today the two companies still work together to serve their joint creative customers – Mac users buy around half of Adobe’s Creative Suite products – but beyond that there are few joint interests.

I wanted to jot down some of our thoughts on Adobe’s Flash products so that customers and critics may better understand why we do not allow Flash on iPhones, iPods and iPads. Adobe has characterized our decision as being primarily business driven – they say we want to protect our App Store – but in reality it is based on technology issues. Adobe claims that we are a closed system, and that Flash is open, but in fact the opposite is true. Let me explain.

First, there’s “Open”.

Adobe’s Flash products are 100% proprietary. They are only available from Adobe, and Adobe has sole authority as to their future enhancement, pricing, etc. While Adobe’s Flash products are widely available, this does not mean they are open, since they are controlled entirely by Adobe and available only from Adobe. By almost any definition, Flash is a closed system.

Apple has many proprietary products too. Though the operating system for the iPhone, iPod and iPad is proprietary, we strongly believe that all standards pertaining to the web should be open. Rather than use Flash, Apple has adopted HTML5, CSS and JavaScript – all open standards. Apple’s mobile devices all ship with high performance, low power implementations of these open standards. HTML5, the new web standard that has been adopted by Apple, Google and many others, lets web developers create advanced graphics, typography, animations and transitions without relying on third party browser plug-ins (like Flash). HTML5 is completely open and controlled by a standards committee, of which Apple is a member.

Apple even creates open standards for the web. For example, Apple began with a small open source project and created WebKit, a complete open-source HTML5 rendering engine that is the heart of the Safari web browser used in all our products. WebKit has been widely adopted. Google uses it for Android’s browser, Palm uses it, Nokia uses it, and RIM (Blackberry) has announced they will use it too. Almost every smartphone web browser other than Microsoft’s uses WebKit. By making its WebKit technology open, Apple has set the standard for mobile web browsers.

Second, there’s the “full web”.

Adobe has repeatedly said that Apple mobile devices cannot access “the full web” because 75% of video on the web is in Flash. What they don’t say is that almost all this video is also available in a more modern format, H.264, and viewable on iPhones, iPods and iPads. YouTube, with an estimated 40% of the web’s video, shines in an app bundled on all Apple mobile devices, with the iPad offering perhaps the best YouTube discovery and viewing experience ever. Add to this video from Vimeo, Netflix, Facebook, ABC, CBS, CNN, MSNBC, Fox News, ESPN, NPR, Time, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Sports Illustrated, People, National Geographic, and many, many others. iPhone, iPod and iPad users aren’t missing much video.

Another Adobe claim is that Apple devices cannot play Flash games. This is true. Fortunately, there are over 50,000 games and entertainment titles on the App Store, and many of them are free. There are more games and entertainment titles available for iPhone, iPod and iPad than for any other platform in the world.

Third, there’s reliability, security and performance.

Symantec recently highlighted Flash for having one of the worst security records in 2009. We also know first hand that Flash is the number one reason Macs crash. We have been working with Adobe to fix these problems, but they have persisted for several years now. We don’t want to reduce the reliability and security of our iPhones, iPods and iPads by adding Flash.

In addition, Flash has not performed well on mobile devices. We have routinely asked Adobe to show us Flash performing well on a mobile device, any mobile device, for a few years now. We have never seen it. Adobe publicly said that Flash would ship on a smartphone in early 2009, then the second half of 2009, then the first half of 2010, and now they say the second half of 2010. We think it will eventually ship, but we’re glad we didn’t hold our breath. Who knows how it will perform?

Fourth, there’s battery life.

To achieve long battery life when playing video, mobile devices must decode the video in hardware; decoding it in software uses too much power. Many of the chips used in modern mobile devices contain a decoder called H.264 – an industry standard that is used in every Blu-ray DVD player and has been adopted by Apple, Google (YouTube), Vimeo, Netflix and many other companies.

Although Flash has recently added support for H.264, the video on almost all Flash websites currently requires an older generation decoder that is not implemented in mobile chips and must be run in software. The difference is striking: on an iPhone, for example, H.264 videos play for up to 10 hours, while videos decoded in software play for less than 5 hours before the battery is fully drained.

When websites re-encode their videos using H.264, they can offer them without using Flash at all. They play perfectly in browsers like Apple’s Safari and Google’s Chrome without any plugins whatsoever, and look great on iPhones, iPods and iPads.

Fifth, there’s Touch.

Flash was designed for PCs using mice, not for touch screens using fingers. For example, many Flash websites rely on “rollovers”, which pop up menus or other elements when the mouse arrow hovers over a specific spot. Apple’s revolutionary multi-touch interface doesn’t use a mouse, and there is no concept of a rollover. Most Flash websites will need to be rewritten to support touch-based devices. If developers need to rewrite their Flash websites, why not use modern technologies like HTML5, CSS and JavaScript?

Even if iPhones, iPods and iPads ran Flash, it would not solve the problem that most Flash websites need to be rewritten to support touch-based devices.

Sixth, the most important reason.

Besides the fact that Flash is closed and proprietary, has major technical drawbacks, and doesn’t support touch based devices, there is an even more important reason we do not allow Flash on iPhones, iPods and iPads. We have discussed the downsides of using Flash to play video and interactive content from websites, but Adobe also wants developers to adopt Flash to create apps that run on our mobile devices.

We know from painful experience that letting a third party layer of software come between the platform and the developer ultimately results in sub-standard apps and hinders the enhancement and progress of the platform. If developers grow dependent on third party development libraries and tools, they can only take advantage of platform enhancements if and when the third party chooses to adopt the new features. We cannot be at the mercy of a third party deciding if and when they will make our enhancements available to our developers.

This becomes even worse if the third party is supplying a cross platform development tool. The third party may not adopt enhancements from one platform unless they are available on all of their supported platforms. Hence developers only have access to the lowest common denominator set of features. Again, we cannot accept an outcome where developers are blocked from using our innovations and enhancements because they are not available on our competitor’s platforms.

Flash is a cross platform development tool. It is not Adobe’s goal to help developers write the best iPhone, iPod and iPad apps. It is their goal to help developers write cross platform apps. And Adobe has been painfully slow to adopt enhancements to Apple’s platforms. For example, although Mac OS X has been shipping for almost 10 years now, Adobe just adopted it fully (Cocoa) two weeks ago when they shipped CS5. Adobe was the last major third party developer to fully adopt Mac OS X.

Our motivation is simple – we want to provide the most advanced and innovative platform to our developers, and we want them to stand directly on the shoulders of this platform and create the best apps the world has ever seen. We want to continually enhance the platform so developers can create even more amazing, powerful, fun and useful applications. Everyone wins – we sell more devices because we have the best apps, developers reach a wider and wider audience and customer base, and users are continually delighted by the best and broadest selection of apps on any platform.

Conclusions.

Flash was created during the PC era – for PCs and mice. Flash is a successful business for Adobe, and we can understand why they want to push it beyond PCs. But the mobile era is about low power devices, touch interfaces and open web standards – all areas where Flash falls short.

The avalanche of media outlets offering their content for Apple’s mobile devices demonstrates that Flash is no longer necessary to watch video or consume any kind of web content. And the 250,000 apps on Apple’s App Store proves that Flash isn’t necessary for tens of thousands of developers to create graphically rich applications, including games.

New open standards created in the mobile era, such as HTML5, will win on mobile devices (and PCs too). Perhaps Adobe should focus more on creating great HTML5 tools for the future, and less on criticizing Apple for leaving the past behind.

Steve Jobs

April, 2010

Thursday, January 3, 2013

Empire District Electric Co v. Rupert United States Court of Appeals Eighth Circuit. Nov. 18, 1952.

TANEY COUNTY v. EMPIRE DISTRICT ELECTRIC COMPANY 309 S.W.2d 610 (1958)


TANEY COUNTY v. EMPIRE DISTRICT ELECTRIC COMPANY

309 S.W.2d 610 (1958)

TANEY COUNTY, one of the Political Subdivisions of the State of Missouri; Forsyth Special Road District, one of the Political Subdivisions of Taney County, Missouri; and The Forsyth Reorganized School District, being No. R-3 of Taney County, Missouri, being one of the Political Subdivisions of Taney County and State of Missouri, Plaintiffs-Appellants, v. The EMPIRE DISTRICT ELECTRIC COMPANY, a Corporation, Defendant-Respondent.

No. 46428.

Supreme Court of Missouri. Division No. 1.

February 10, 1958.

Douglas Mahnkey, A. H. Blunk, Forsyth, for appellants.
Richard K. McPherson, Joplin, for respondent.



HOLMAN, Commissioner.
Taney County and certain political subdivisions of said county commenced this
[ 309 S.W.2d 612 ]

action by the filing of a petition for review of the order of the State Tax Commission of Missouri (hereinafter referred to as the Commission) reducing the assessed valuation for the year 1956 of defendant's hydroelectric dam and related properties known as the Ozark Beach project. The circuit court affirmed the order of the Commission and plaintiffs have appealed from that judgment. We have appellate jurisdiction because (among other reasons) one of the parties hereto is a county. Article V, Section 3, Constitution of Missouri 1945, V.A. M.S.
The facts relevant to a determination of the question raised on this appeal are not in dispute. They appear in a stipulation of the parties filed in the trial court. We will briefly state the facts and procedural background which preceded the questioned order of the Commission.
The assessor of Taney County, Missouri, originally assessed the Ozark Beach project for the year 1956 at $982,570. Thereafter, the defendant appeared before the Taney County Board of Equalization and protested said assessment requesting that same be reduced to the true value of the property, which request was denied by said board. At a later date the Commission made a blanket increase of 50% on all assessments in Taney County and the assessment on the Ozark Beach project was thereby increased to $1,473,855. On September 27, 1956 (within the time provided by law), defendant filed with the Commission a petition for review of the foregoing assessment of said Ozark Beach project. On the following day it filed a petition for review of the assessment of the other property owned by it, in Taney County, but at the subsequent hearing of these petitions, defendant did not urge the merits of said latter petition and the assessed valuation of the properties described therein has remained the same, and hence we will make no further mention of that petition in this opinion. The Commission ordered that a hearing be held upon defendant's petition for review at the county courtroom at Forsyth in Taney County on October 26, 1956. In attendance at that hearing were the assessor, each of the members of the county court, and the prosecuting attorney of Taney County, as well as representatives of the defendant, and, at that time, evidence was heard by the Commission concerning the valuation of the property in question which, for reasons that will hereafter appear, need not be detailed herein.
On November 9, 1956, the Commission entered its order reciting that after giving consideration and study to the evidence, facts and data before it, it found that the proper assessed valuation of the property heretofore described should be $800,000. On December 3, 1956, the plaintiffs filed the instant petition in the circuit court of Taney County, Missouri, for review of the foregoing order of the Commission. The cause was heard in the circuit court on April 16, 1957. At that hearing (in addition to the other facts herein stated) it was agreed that the county clerk had certified and delivered the tax books to the county collector on October 31, 1956, and that the assessment of the property in question was shown thereon at the sum of $1,473,855. It was also stipulated that the taxes due and payable on said property upon an assessment of $1,473,855 would be $33,014.35, and that the taxes for said year upon an assessment of $800,000 would be $17,920, so that the amount in controversy herein is $15,094.35.
On April 25, 1957, the court entered its judgment affirming the order and assessment of the Commission.
It has been stated that in a review of this nature it is "the duty of the trial court, as it is ours on appeal, with proper deference to findings involving credibility of witnesses, to determine whether the commission `could have reasonably made its findings, and reached its result, upon consideration of all of the evidence
[ 309 S.W.2d 613 ]

before it; and to set aside decisions clearly contrary to the overwhelming weight of the evidence.'" Ulman v. Evans, Mo.Sup., 247 S.W.2d 693, 694. The trial court found that the evidence reasonably supported the findings and result reached by the Commission. In this connection we observe that there appears to have been ample evidence from which the Commission could reasonably have made its findings and resulting order. However, the main contention of the plaintiffs in the trial court, and the only point briefed here, is that the order of the Commission was in excess of the statutory authority or jurisdiction of the Commission and was contrary to the procedure provided by law. That contention is within the scope of the judicial review provided for in Section 536.140 (unless otherwise indicated, all statutory references are to RSMo 1949, V.A.M.S.) as amended, Laws 1953, p. 679, Section 2. Stated more precisely, the contention made by plaintiffs upon this appeal is that the Commission was required to make its order on the date of the hearing (October 26, 1956) and, in any event, not later than October 31, 1956 (the last date upon which the county clerk could deliver the tax books to the county collector in compliance with Section 137.290), and hence the order made on November 9, 1956, is said to be void.
It is undisputed that the Commission has the power and, in proper instances, the duty, to raise or lower the assessed valuation of real or tangible personal property. Section 138.380. It is provided in Section 138.460 that if it appear by investigation or upon written complaint of any taxpayer that assessments have not been made in compliance with the law the Commission may order a hearing to be held, after certain prescribed notices are given, in the county where the assessment to be reviewed was made.
The statutory provision upon which plaintiffs primarily rely is subsection (1) of Section 138.470 which is as follows: "1. The commission, or any member thereof, or any duly authorized agent, shall appear at the time and place mentioned in said order, and the assessing officer, upon whom said notice shall have been served, shall also appear with said assessment roll. The commission, or any member thereof, or any duly authorized agent thereof, as the case may be, shall then and there hear and determine as to the proper assessment of all property and persons mentioned in said notice, and all persons affected, or liable to be affected by review of said assessments thus provided for, may appear and be heard at said hearing. In case said commission, or any member or agent thereof who is acting in said review, shall determine that the assessments so reviewed are not made according to law, the county clerk shall, in a column provided for that purpose, place opposite said property the lawful valuation of the same for assessment." (Italics ours.)
As heretofore indicated plaintiffs contend that the provision, "shall then and there hear and determine as to the proper assessment," italicized above, should be construed to mean that the Commission must make its determination as to the proper assessment at the time and place of the hearing and not thereafter. Although not clearly stated, they seem to advance as an alternative theory the assertion that in any event the order must have been made by October 31, 1956, because otherwise the county clerk would not have possession of the assessor's book in order to make the required entries in the event the valuation of the property for assessment is ordered to be changed by the Commission. The foregoing statutory provisions and certain definitions of the phrases, "then and there" and "hear and determine," are the only authorities cited by plaintiffs in support of their contentions.
It may be that a strict, literal construction of the phrases in question would lead to the conclusion that the valuation of the property must be determined at the time and place of the hearing. On the other hand, it is said by defendant that the phrase "then and there" applies to the hearing, which admittedly must be held at the time
[ 309 S.W.2d 614 ]

and place specified in the order and notice, but does not apply to the word "determine." It is, of course, elementary that the primary rule to be applied in the construction of statutes is to ascertain and give effect to the legislative intent.
As stated, it is obvious that the hearing must be held at the time and place (then and there) specified in the order and notice. However, it is difficult for us to conclude that the legislature intended to require that the valuation be determined at the very time and place of the hearing. The transcript in the instant case is illustrative of the fact that highly technical and involved testimony as to the methods to be followed in determining the value of certain property is given at these hearings. In that situation it would seem that the Commission would often need some period of time to study and consider the testimony and to make the mathematical calculations required in arriving at a sound and judicious conclusion as to a proper value.
However, we have decided that we need not actually determine whether the provision in question did or did not require a decision at the time and place of the hearing. This for the reason that, even if it is assumed that such was required by the statute, we think the provision is directory only and hence we conclude that an order entered after the date of the hearing would not be invalid.
"As a rule a statute prescribing the time within which public officers are required to perform an official act regarding the rights and duties of others, and enacted with a view to the proper, orderly, and prompt conduct of business, is directory unless it denies the exercise of the power after such time, or the phraseology of the statute, or the nature of the act to be performed, and the consequences of doing or failing to do it at such time are such that the designation of time must be considered a limitation on the power of the officer. When the legislature prescribes the time when an official act is to be performed, the broad legislative purpose is to be considered in deciding whether the time prescribed is directory or mandatory. If the statute is mandatory there must be strict conformity, but if directory the legislative intention is to be complied with as nearly as practicable." 67 C.J.S. Officers § 114(b), p. 404.
Sutherland states the rule as follows: "For the reason that individuals or the public should not be made to suffer for the dereliction of public officers, provisions regulating the duties of public officers and specifying the time for their performance are in that regard generally directory. A statute specifying a time within which a public officer is to perform an official act regarding the rights and duties of others is directory unless the nature of the act to be performed, or the phraseology of the statute, is such that the designation of time must be considered a limitation of the power of the officer." 3 Sutherland, Statutory Construction, 3rd Ed. (1943), p. 102. Missouri cases adhering to the quoted principles are, State ex rel. Rogersville Reorganized School District v. Holmes, 363 Mo. 760, 253 S.W.2d 402; Schlafly v. Baumann, 341 Mo. 755, 108 S.W.2d 363; State ex inf. Gentry v. Lamar, 316 Mo. 721, 291 S.W. 457; Mead v. Jasper County, 322 Mo. 1191, 18 S.W.2d 464; St. Louis County Court v. Sparks, 10 Mo. 117.
In considering Section 138.470(1) in the light of the quoted discussion of the applicable rules, it becomes obvious that the purpose of that and the other sections cited was to provide an orderly method for the review, by the Commission, of the valuations placed upon property by assessors and local boards of equalization to the end that all real property and tangible personal property shall be assessed and valued according to law. It, of course, would be desirable that the Commission complete its review of all pending assessments by October 31 of each year so that completed tax books could be
[ 309 S.W.2d 615 ]

delivered to the collector on that date. However, the instant statute does not provide that the Commission may not enter orders affecting valuations after the date of the hearing or after October 31. Moreover, no consequences are prescribed for the failure of the Commission to enter orders on the date of the hearing or prior to October 31.
It should also be noted that if the hearing is held prior to October 31, no person would be injured or inconvenienced by the failure of the Commission to make its order on the date of the hearing, as time would remain within which the order could be made and the valuation entered in the tax book before it is to be delivered to the collector. It would be a strange interpretation, indeed, which would ascribe to the legislature an intent to enact a mandatory provision whereby the Commission would be fully clothed with the authority to reduce the valuation of the property in question, provided it acted on October 26, 1956, but that it would have been completely devoid of any power to enter the order on October 27, 1956. Such an interpretation would result in defendant being required to pay additional taxes in the amount of $15,094.35 solely by reason of the delay of the Commission over which the defendant had no control. It should be obvious that the legislature did not intend that the provision be mandatory.
We think the foregoing illustration and reasoning would also apply to the instant order which was entered after October 31, to-wit, on November 9, 1956. The only person suffering any inconvenience by the slight delay of the Commission was the county clerk who was required thereby to do a small amount of additional work. The clerk knew that the petition to review the valuation of the property in question had been heard by the Commission and was being considered by it. When a decision had not been made by October 31, the clerk should have delivered the tax books to the collector showing thereon the taxes due on all of the property listed therein except the property in question. When the order fixing the valuation of that property was thereafter made by the Commission on November 9, 1956, it became the duty of the county clerk to forthwith prepare a supplemental tax book extending the taxes upon the instant property in accordance with the valuation placed thereon by the Commission and deliver the same to the collector. Section 137.300. State ex rel. Thompson v. Jones, 328 Mo. 267, 41 S.W.2d 393; State ex rel. Thompson v. Collier, 328 Mo. 246, 41 S.W.2d 400. Ample time remained for defendant to thereafter pay the taxes so extended before they would have become delinquent on January 1, 1957.
It should also be noted that the duties being performed by the Commission under Section 138.470 are quasi-judicial in nature. That being true, it is unlikely that the legislature intended to enact a mandatory provision which would require instantaneous or hasty decisions. It is common knowledge that courts and administrative bodies performing judicial or quasi-judicial functions are often required to take some amount of time to study and deliberate before arriving at a determination of the matter at issue.
As previously indicated, we rule that the provisions of Section 138.470(1) are directory only and do not render invalid the order of November 9, 1956, reducing the assessed valuation of defendant's property heretofore described.
The judgment of the circuit court is affirmed.
VAN OSDOL and COIL, CC., concur.
PER CURIAM.
The foregoing opinion by HOLMAN, C., is adopted as the opinion of the court.
All concur.

Wednesday, January 2, 2013

> Good Riddance to Rottenest Congress in History By Ezra Klein

Published by Bloomberg Jan 3rd 
On January 3rd, the 112th Congress of the United States of America finally ends. Thank God.
To properly evaluate the 112th, consider the record of its predecessor, the 111th Congress, which ran from January 2009 to January 2011. The fighting 111th passed the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (better known as the “stimulus”), the Affordable Care Act (aka “Obamacare”), and the Dodd-Frank financial reforms. It passed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and expanded both the Serve America Act for community service and the Children’s Health Insurance Program. It created significant new anti-tobacco regulations, ratified the New Start nuclear arms reduction treaty, ended “don’t ask, don’t tell” in the armed forces and agreed to the 2010 tax deal, which extended the Bush tax cuts in return for the passage of middle- class stimulus.
The laws passed by the 111th Congress were controversial, particularly among Republicans. They were also big, bold initiatives that, if not always fully equal to the size of our problems, surely perched on the outer edge of Congress’s capacity to deliver solutions. Love it or hate it, the 111th Congress governed. No Congress in recent history has a record of productivity anywhere near it.

Terrible Policy

What’s the record of the 112th Congress? Well, it almost shut down the government and almost breached the debt ceiling. It almost went over the fiscal cliff (which it had designed in the first place). It cut a trillion dollars of discretionary spending in the Budget Control Act and scheduled another trillion in spending cuts through an automatic sequester, which everyone agrees is terrible policy. It achieved nothing of note on housing, energy, stimulus, immigration, guns, tax reform, infrastructure, climate change or, really, anything. It’s hard to identify a single significant problem that existed prior to the 112th Congress that was in any way improved by its two years of rule.
The 112th, which was gaveled into being on Jan. 3, 2011, by newly elected House Speaker John Boehner, wasn’t just unproductive in comparison with the 111th. It was unproductive compared with any Congress since 1948, when scholars began keeping tabs on congressional productivity.
When it ends, the 112th Congress will have passed about 220 public laws -- by far the least of any Congress on record. Prior to the 112th, the least productive Congress was the 104th, from January 1995 to January 1997. Not coincidentally, that Congress also featured a new Republican House majority determined to ruin a Democratic president in advance of the next campaign. The 104th, however, passed 333 public laws -- almost 50 percent more than the 112th. The 112th stands alone in its achievement of epic failure.
Of course, raw productivity statistics can mislead. After all, if the 112th Congress’s laws were particularly worthwhile, or if its low productivity reflected a period of political calm and economic growth, the slow rate of legislating might even be a good thing. In this case, however, the raw data mislead in the other direction. The 112th Congress wasn’t merely unproductive: It was devastatingly counterproductive.
The 112th found legislating so difficult that lawmakers repeatedly created artificial deadlines for consequences and catastrophes intended to spur them to act. But like Wile E. Coyote with his endless supply of Acme products, when the 112th set a trap, the only sure bet was that it would explode in its collective face, forcing leaders to construct yet another hair- trigger legislative contraption.

No Responsibility

The near-shutdown of the federal government in early 2011 was the first of these self-detonated disasters, the near-breach of the debt ceiling in August 2011 was the most damaging, and the fiscal cliff was the dumbest. In each case, Congress mainlined a dose of fear and uncertainty into an economy already beset by too much of both. In each case, the deadline failed to spur responsibility; instead, Congress punted on hard decisions while setting up a new deadline to supplant the old, discarded one.
In that way, the 112th ended as it began: by creating a mess it couldn’t clean up. The resolution, such as it is, of the fiscal cliff simply sets up another fight in the weeks ahead over the debt ceiling and sequestration. Continued fear and uncertainty over the impending battle is the legacy of the 112th to the nation’s economy. Thanks, guys.
As a result of its good works, the 112th Congress was the least popular since pollsters began keeping score. According to the Gallup Organization, the 112th’s approval rating fell to 10 percent in February 2011 and again in August that year. Those are the lowest readings in Gallup’s 38 years of surveying. When another polling firm, Rasmussen, asked Americans in March 2011 how they’d feel about the U.S. turning into a communist country, 11 percent said they’d approve. So congratulations, 112th: You were, at multiple points, less popular than communism.
The 112th didn’t even achieve the narrow political objective that Republican leaders sought. Insofar as there was a theory behind their effort to grind the U.S. government to a halt by making Congress a destructive force, it was that American voters would blame the failures of Washington on the party in charge of the White House, leading to President Barack Obama’s defeat. Yet Republicans were so mistrusted that, despite the previous two years of ineffectual governance and a weak economy, Obama was re-elected by a margin of five million votes, and Democrats won more votes than Republicans for House and Senate seats, as well.
The source of the 112th’s dismal performance is easy enough to diagnose. According to political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, who’ve developed a highly respected gauge of political polarization, the 112th was the most polarized Congress in U.S. history, with House Republicans exhibiting a particular leap in partisanship. Moreover, the results of the 2010 election divided power among House Republicans, Senate Democrats and a Democratic president, ensuring that party polarization would lead to political paralysis.
Unfortunately, the polarization and paralysis exhibited by the 112th Congress are functions of long-term political trends, and there’s no evidence that they’ll lift anytime soon. So while the 112th Congress was surely one of the most broken and incompetent in our history, the worst is probably yet to come.
(Ezra Klein is a Bloomberg View columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.)
To contact the writer on this article: Ezra Klein in Washington at wonkbook@gmail.com.
To contact the editor responsible for this article: Francis Wilkinson at fwilkinson1@bloomberg.net.

Our decadent democracy By George F. Will, Published: January 2


Our decadent democracy

Originally published by the Washington Post

Connoisseurs of democratic decadence can savor a variety of contemporary dystopias. Because familiarity breeds banality, Greece has become a boring horror. Japan, however, in its second generation of stagnation is fascinating. Once, Japan bestrode the world, jauntily buying Rockefeller Center and Pebble Beach. Now Japanese buy more adult diapers than those for infants.
America has its lowest birth rate since at least 1920 — family formation and workforce participation (which hit a 30-year low last year) have declined in tandem. But it has an energy surplus, the government-produced overhang of housing inventory is shrinking and the average age of Americans’ cars is an astonishing 10.8 years. Such promising economic indicators, however, mask the country’s democratic decadence, as explained by the Hudson Institute’s Christopher DeMuth in the Dec. 24 Weekly Standard:
Deficit spending once was largely for investments — building infrastructure, winning wars — which benefited future generations, so government borrowing appropriately shared the burden with those generations. Now, however, continuous borrowing burdens future generations in order to finance current consumption. Today’s policy, says DeMuth, erases “the distinction between investing for the future and borrowing from the future.”
It is now as clear as it is unsurprising that most Americans will be spared the educational experience of “fiscal cliff”-related tax increases and spending cuts, which would have been a small but instructive taste of the real costs of the entitlement state.
Still, December’s maneuverings taught three lessons.
First, there will be no significant spending restraint. Democrats — you know: the people respectful of evidence and science — even rejected a more accurate measurement of the cost of living that would slightly slow increases in myriad government benefits. Accuracy will be sacrificed to liberalism’s agenda of government growth.
Second, Barack Obama has (as Winston Churchill said of an adversary) “the gift of compressing the largest amount of words into the smallest amount of thought.” His incessant talking swaddles one wee idea — raising taxes on “millionaires and billionaires,” including people earning less than half a million. He has nothing pertinent to say about the steadily worsening fiscal imbalance that will make sluggish growth — less than 3 percent — normal.
Third, one December winner was George W. Bush because a large majority of Democrats favored making permanent a large majority of his tax cuts. December’s rancor disguised bipartisan agreement: Both parties flinch from cliff-related tax increases and spending decreases. But neither the increases nor decreases would have tamed the current $1 trillion-plus budget deficit nor made a discernible dent in the 87-times-larger unfunded liabilities of the entitlement state.
This state cannot be funded by taxing “the rich.” Or even by higher income taxes on the middle class. Income taxes cannot fund the government liberals want, and they dare not seek the consumption and energy taxes their entitlement architecture requires. Hence, although Republicans are complicit, Democrats are ardent in embracing decadent democracy. This consists not just of infantilism — refusing to will the means for the ends one has willed — but also of willing an immoral means: conscripting the wealth of future generations.
As economists Glenn Hubbard and Tim Kane explain in National Affairs quarterly, the U.S. political system “cannot govern the entitlement state” that “exists largely to provide material benefits to individuals.” Piling up unsustainable entitlement promises — particularly, enactment of Medicare in 1965 and the enrichment of Social Security benefits in 1972 — has been improvident for the nation but rational for the political class. The promised expenditures, far in excess of revenue, would come due “beyond the horizon of political consequences.”
“Our politicians,” say Hubbard and Kane, “are acting rationally” but “politically rational behavior is now fiscally perverse.” Both parties are responding to powerful electoral incentives to neither raise taxes nor cut spending. Hence, “the clash over raising the debt limit that gripped Washington during the summer of 2011 was just the beginning, not the end, of our fiscal woes.”
But the perils of the entitlement state are no longer (in Hubbard’s and Kane’s words) “safely beyond the politicians’ career horizons.” Furthermore, a critical mass of Republicans reject the careerists’ understanding of “politically rational” behavior. These Republicans have a different rationale for being in politics.
The media, which often are the last to know things because their wishes father their thoughts, say the tea party impulse is exhausted. Scores of House Republicans and seven first-term Republican senators (Rand Paul, Mike Lee, Pat Toomey, Ted Cruz, Ron Johnson, Marco Rubio and Tim Scott) will soon — hello, debt ceiling — prove otherwise.
georgewill@washpost.com